Politician named after Adolf Hitler wins election in Namibia


A politician named after Adolf Hitler has won a seat at a Namibian election – but says he has no plans for world domination. 

Adolf Hitler Uunona was elected with 85 per cent of the vote in the former German colony, which is still home to a small German-speaking community and where a number of streets, places and people still bear German names.   

After winning the seat on the ticket of the ruling SWAPO party – which has ruled Namibia since independence from apartheid South Africa in 1990 – the politician told Bild that he had ‘nothing to do with’ Nazi ideology. 

‘My father named me after this man. He probably didn’t understand what Adolf Hitler stood for,’ his namesake said. 

‘As a child I saw it as a totally normal name. Only as a teenager did I understand that this man wanted to conquer the whole world.’ 

Adolf Hitler in 1935

Left: Adolf Hitler Uunona, who won a seat at a Namibian regional election; right: the real Adolf Hitler at a Nazi party congress in 1935 

German soldiers with captured indigenous people in Namibia in 1905, when the country was part of the short-lived German colonial empire

German soldiers with captured indigenous people in Namibia in 1905, when the country was part of the short-lived German colonial empire 

The politician said his wife calls him Adolf, adding that he usually goes by Adolf Uunona but that it would be ‘too late’ to change his name officially. 

‘The fact I have this name does not mean I want to conquer Oshana,’ he said, referring to the region where he won the election. ‘It doesn’t mean I’m striving for world domination.’   

Uunona won 1,196 votes in the recent election compared to 213 for his opponent, returning him to a seat on the regional council which he previously won in 2015. 

His name was abbreviated to ‘Adolf H’ in a list of candidates printed in a government gazette, but his name appeared in full on an official results website.   

Once known as German South West Africa, Namibia was a German colony from 1884 until the empire was stripped of its possessions following World War I.  

The real Hitler would later use the humiliation of the post-war Treaty of Versailles as a propaganda tool to win support for the Nazis in the 1920s and 1930s. 

While Germany has spent 75 painstaking years trying to atone for the war and genocide that it unleashed under Hitler’s rule, its colonial atrocities in Namibia are little discussed – but pressure for reparations has been growing in recent years.   

German soldiers slaughtered some 65,000 Herero and 10,000 Nama tribespeople in a bloody campaign to suppress a local revolt between 1904 and 1908.  

The killings came after German occupiers forced native tribespeople off their land and recruited them for forced labour, leading to an uprising in which Herero people killed 123 German settlers. 

A German bakery in Swakomund, Namibia, is seen in 2008 in a remnant of the German colonial settlement which took place there in the late 19th and early 20th centuries

A German bakery in Swakomund, Namibia, is seen in 2008 in a remnant of the German colonial settlement which took place there in the late 19th and early 20th centuries 

German colonial architecture in Luderitz, Namibia, in a country where traces of the colonial past are still visible in names of places and streets

German colonial architecture in Luderitz, Namibia, in a country where traces of the colonial past are still visible in names of places and streets 

A German flag is on display next to a street vendor in Windhoek, Namibia, ahead of a World Cup match involving the German team in 2010

A German flag is on display next to a street vendor in Windhoek, Namibia, ahead of a World Cup match involving the German team in 2010

In addition to the slaughter, thousands of Hereros were driven into the desert and died of thirst and starvation, and the rest were sent to prison camps. 

Last year, a German government minister described the massacre as a genocide while on a visit to the African country. 

‘It has become clear that the crimes and abominations from 1904 to 1908 were what we today describe as genocide,’ Mueller said after meeting tribespeople. 

The German government says it has a ‘special responsibility’ towards Namibia ‘on account of the two countries’ shared colonial past’. 

But in August, Namibia turned down Germany’s £9million offer of reparations for the colonial massacres, stating that it needs to be ‘revised’.     

A small German-speaking community still lives in the country today, and around 120,000 Germans visit Namibia every year.  

That community has occasionally been associated with displays of neo-Nazi sentiment, including a celebration of Hitler’s 100th birthday in 1989. 

Three years earlier, a group of German speakers took out an advert commemorating the death of Hitler’s deputy Rudolf Hess and paying tribute to ‘the last representative of a better Germany’.  

In 2005, a German-language newspaper ran an advert voicing ‘joy and satisfaction’ over the death of Holocaust survivor Simon Wiesenthal. 

The German ambassador to Namibia demanded that the newspaper apologise, which it subsequently did.  

In 2011, members of a Namibian delegation in Berlin stand over a set of skulls of Namibian tribespeople who were victims of German colonial atrocities in the early 20th century

In 2011, members of a Namibian delegation in Berlin stand over a set of skulls of Namibian tribespeople who were victims of German colonial atrocities in the early 20th century 

Back in Namibia, a crowd awaited the return of the skulls while one car was emblazoned with a message saying that 'Germany must pay' for the genocide

Back in Namibia, a crowd awaited the return of the skulls while one car was emblazoned with a message saying that ‘Germany must pay’ for the genocide 

Native Herero people in chains during Germany's brutal suppression of an uprising in Namibia in the early 20th century

Native Herero people in chains during Germany’s brutal suppression of an uprising in Namibia in the early 20th century 

The 20th century’s first genocide: German massacres in Namibia  

A depiction of the conflict between Herero fighters and German colonialists in 1904

A depiction of the conflict between Herero fighters and German colonialists in 1904 

German soldiers killed tens of thousands of indigenous Herero and Nama people in colonial Namibia between 1904 and 1908 in what has been labelled the first genocide of the 20th century. 

Namibia, then known as German South West Africa, was one of the few German possessions overseas – after its 1871 unification meant it arrived too late to capture much of the colonial spoils. 

The German occupiers forced native tribespeople off their land and recruited them for forced labour, leading to an uprising in which Herero people killed 123 German settlers. 

The German Reich sent reinforcements in response, and its soldiers carried out a brutal four-year campaign of slaughter in which 65,000 Herero and 10,000 Nama people are thought to have been killed.  

In addition to the slaughter, thousands of Hereros were driven into the desert and died of thirst and starvation, and the rest were sent to prison camps.

In the Battle of Waterberg in August 1904, around 80,000 Herero fled including women and children. 

Germany recently handed over a cache of skulls and other remains of massacred tribespeople, which were used for experiments to push long-debunked claims of European racial superiority.  

The German colonial empire was disbanded after World War I when the country was stripped of its possessions, and the colonial past has since become largely overshadowed by the horrors of Hitler’s rule. 

Namibia was later handed to South Africa by the League of Nations and finally achieved independence from the apartheid state in 1990.  



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Adolf Hitler’s Spot-On 1936 Speech on the Evil of Soviet Bolshevism (Transcript)


Delivered at the September 1936 Nuremburg Nazi party rally. Source: The Ethnic European.

“We do not deny the grave concern which we feel at the thought of other nations becoming a victim of Bolshevism towards which we are deadly antagonistic. This deadly enmity of ours is not based on an obstinate refusal to recognise any ideas that may be contrary to ours. But this hostility is based on a natural feeling of revulsion towards a diabolical doctrine that threatens the world at large and Germany.

The first phase in the fight of National Socialism against Communism did not take place in Russia. Soviet Communism tried to poison Germany between the years 1918 and 1920, and its methods of penetration into this country was much the same as its present-day military efforts in moving the Bolshevik military machine closer and closer to German frontiers.

We have stamped out Bolshevism, which Moscow’s blood-fiends such as Lewin, Axelroth, Neumann, Bela-Kuhn, etc. tried to introduce into Germany. And it is because we see day by day these efforts of Soviet rulers to meddle in our domestic affairs have not yet ceased, that we are forced to regard Bolshevism beyond our frontiers as our deadly enemy.

We have fought Bolshevism in Germany as a philosophy that endeavoured to poison and destroy our people. And Bolshevism will continue to be fought if it attempts to introduce its sordid Spanish methods into Germany (Spanish Civil War).

It is not the aim of Bolshevism to free nations from their ailments. Its object is to exterminate all that is healthy and replace the same by depravity and degenerate elements. We do not want a situation here in Germany, as in Russia, in which 98% of official key positions are held by alien Jews. Under no circumstances do we want our national intelligence debased.

Communism, however, cannot deny that in Russia today 98% of all official positions are held by Jews who not only can never be classed as members of the proletariat, but who have never earned an honest penny in their lives.

We have fought Bolshevism because its leaders had planned for us a slaughter house on Russian and Spanish lines. Such is the difference between the Bolshevik and the National Socialist revolutions. The one transforms prosperous and peaceful countries into a waste of ruin and devastation, whilst the other, re-builds a broken-down and poverty-stricken Reich into an economically sound and prosperous state.

The German people were familiar with the true nature of Bolshevism whilst the peoples of Britain and the United States were kept in ignorance. Censorship protected Jewish-owned finance houses and corporate interests that were investing in Bolshevik USSR.

We believe that it is a bigger task to put five million people back to work than to burn down houses and churches and allow hundreds of thousands of workers and peasants and others to kill each other. We have also fought Bolshevism on general economic grounds.

From time to time, the world hears of hunger famines in Russia. Since 1917, that is, since the victory of Bolshevism, there is no end to this form of distress. Russia, starving for close on 20 years, was one of the richest grain countries in the world.

When compared with Germany, Russia possesses eighteen times more land per head of population, and yet what a sorry form of economic policy this country must have to deny its people a decent form of livelihood. If Bolshevism in Russia, however, does not succeed in getting nine farmers to produce sufficient to at least support one non-farmer what then would have happened in Germany, where two and a half farmers produce enough to support seven and a half non-farmers?

What would have happened to Germany and the whole of its economic structure if Jewish-Bolshevik economic malpractice had ever been allowed to take root here?

We have fought Bolshevism because a victory for it in Germany would have spelled starvation for perhaps 50% of our population. If Russia were incapable of supporting not even eight people per square kilometre, then in Germany under Bolshevik rule, not even ten million would have had the necessary minimum standard of living. For here in Germany, our 68 million people occupy the same area, which in Russia would not support more than 5 million.

Bolshevism preaches world revolution, and it would use the German workers as cannon fodder for the attainment of its goal. We National Socialists, however, do not want our military forces to be used for forcing upon other nations something that they do not want. Our Army does not swear an oath that it will carry our National Socialist ideology to other nations.

British politicians in England have so far not had the opportunity of learning what Communism in one’s own country stands for. But we have.

As I am the one who has fought against this Judeo-Soviet teaching in Germany and stamped it out. I flatter myself that I possess more understanding of the true character of Bolshevism than those armchair critics who at most have read up on the subject a little.

Today, I follow the spread of Bolshevik poison throughout the world just as assiduously as I followed its poisonous trail years ago in Germany, and never lost an opportunity of warning the country. The abhorrent mass-murders of nationalists, the burning alive of wives of nationalist officers after soaking them in petrol, the revolting murder of children of nationalist parents as for example in Spain, should serve as a warning to help to break down resistance in other countries.”


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No World War II? Georg Elser’s Plot to Kill Adolf Hitler


At exactly 8 PM on November 8, 1939, German Chancellor Adolf Hitler strode briskly into Munich’s Burgerbraukeller beer hall at the head of his glowering entourage, brushing past a forest of hands raised in the Nazi salute. As a band struck up the party anthem, the “Horst Wessel Song” (named after a dead SA storm trooper killed in a brawl with a Communist), Hitler and the other party leaders, including Josef Goebbels, Rudolf Hess, Martin Bormann, and Heinrich Himmler, took their seats at the plain wooden tables where so many Nazis had quaffed good Bavarian brews in years gone by. The evening marked the 16th anniversary of Hitler’s abortive 1923 attempt to take over the German state by force. That would-be coup had ended in bloodshed and disaster, but since Hitler’s appointment as chancellor a decade later, the event had taken on a semireligious atmosphere in the Nazi pantheon of solemn holidays, commemorating those killed by police bullets when the future Nazi Führer was still an unknown street agitator. Now he commanded the mightiest nation in Europe. 

Because of the just-begun war with Great Britain, France, and their allies, Hitler had not been expected to address the present gathering of Nazi “Old Fighters” and had in fact named Hess to be his stand-in. At the last minute, however, Hitler decided to come himself. At 8:10 pm, he took his place at the usual lectern, with a Nazi swastika flag covering the pillar directly behind him, six feet away. He immediately launched into a furious speech attacking the British, which had his supporters clapping and cheering. As he spoke, however, Hitler’s adjutant, Julius Schaub, passed him cue cards reminding him of the time—he had a train to catch. “Ten minutes. Five minutes. Stop!” read the cards. Abruptly, Hitler ended his speech after 57 minutes, not the usual 90 minutes he devoted to listening to himself rant. He left his followers with the injunction: “Party members, comrades of our National Socialist movement, our German people, and above all our victorious Wehrmacht, Sieg Heil!” and stepped down from the podium. Normally, Hitler would have stayed behind to shake hands, but Schaub managed to hustle him out of the hall at 9:12 pm, closely followed by all the top members of the Nazi government. The group was in a limousine heading for the Munich train station when a muffled explosion was heard in the distance. What did it mean?

At exactly 9:20—a mere eight minutes after Hitler left the hall—waitress Maria Strobel was busy clearing Hitler’s table of empty steins and full ashtrays, fretting that the Führer had neglected to pay his bill. Suddenly, the ceiling exploded, and she was flung down the entire length of the hall and out through the doors. The smell of cordite lingered in the air, along with the thick choking dust of collapsed brick. Groans from the dying and wounded could be heard in the confusion. Among those emerging from the rubble covered with chalk dust was the father of Eva Braun, the Führer’s mistress. In all, seven people were killed and another 63 injured. Climbing aboard his train, Hitler was blissfully unaware that he and his top men had narrowly avoided death. At Nuremberg, Goebbels, his face deathly pale, brought Hitler the news in the form of a telegram from Munich. Later, reflecting upon his miraculous luck, Hitler told photographer Heinrich Hoffmann: “I had a most extraordinary feeling, and I don’t myself know how or why, but I felt compelled to leave the cellar just as quickly as I could. The fact that I left the Burgerbraukeller earlier than usual is a corroboration of Providence’s intention to let me reach my goal.” Earlier that day, Hitler recalled, Gerdy Troost, the widow of his favorite architect, had warned him of a possible assassination, and he had been uneasy upon his arrival in Munich.

Immediately after the news, Himmler announced that the bombing had been “a foreign plot,” posted a reward for the culprits, and ordered the German frontiers sealed. In his diary, Goebbels claimed that the bombing had been the work of “Black Front” leader Otto Strasser, exiled in Paris since 1934, the year that Hitler had murdered Strasser’s older brother, Gregor, in the famed “Blood Purge” of June 30. Strasser denied any involvement in the attempt. Within the ranks of the secret anti-Hitler German Army resistance movement, there was talk that the number-two Nazi, Luftwaffe Field Marshal Hermann Göring, was behind it all and, indeed, Göring had been mysteriously absent from the annual ceremony. In truth, however, the portly Göring had not taken part in the attempt and had missed the occasion because of legitimate illness. Who, then, was responsible? Within the resistance, there was consternation, as the monocled Prussian generals had been debating how best to depose Hitler and head off his planned assault on the West ever since the victorious conquest of Poland a few weeks earlier. Indeed, on November 5, Hitler had had a furious argument with General Walther von Brauchitsch at the Chancellery, during which time the general had claimed that there was talk of mutiny in certain German Army units, reminiscent of 1918, and a refusal to fight the British and French. Enraged, Hitler shouted: “What action has been taken by the Army commander? How many death sentences have been carried out?” He stormed out, slamming the door behind him.The real culprit was much more prosaic. Rather than being an aristocratic, high-ranking German officer or a pair of suave British spies, he was an unassuming 36-year-old Swabian cabinetmaker, Johann Georg Elser, whose only previous political activity was to become a member of the local woodworkers’ union. Elser was angry at Hitler for failing to cure unemployment and for leading Germany into a war that Elser felt was a lost cause from the start. Noting that Hitler was always surrounded by heavily armed guards and rarely appeared or traveled at set times, Elser decided to strike at the one moment and place where the Führer almost never failed to appear—the Burgerbraukeller in Munich on November 8. On that day a year earlier, Elser had stalked Hitler at the same beer hall, watching him and other Nazi leaders stride down the boulevard in their annual commemorative march for the dead of 1923. Ironically, at that same moment another would-be assassin, Swiss waiter and ex-seminarian Maurice Bavaud, was in the same crowd, trying unsuccessfully to use a pistol to shoot Hitler from a distance. Bavaud was caught and later beheaded for his troubles.

Elser was more careful and diligent. He worked in a mine quarry and had access to explosives. Beginning in August 1939, Elser smuggled himself into the Burgerbraukeller every night for 35 days, working on the pillar undetected and silently in the dark with a flashlight, installing his time bomb, complete with a hidden compartment and a hinged door. On November 6, 63 hours and 20 minutes before the actual explosion, Elser set the timing device on the mechanism and left. He returned to check it on the 7th at 9 pm, and then headed for the Swiss frontier, where he was arrested at Constance, Germany, on suspicion of smuggling just before the actual Munich detonation. A search of his knapsack revealed pliers, suspicious metal parts, handwritten notes on explosives making, and a postcard of the Burgerbraukeller. Brought to Berlin, Elser was brutally interrogated, kicked in the ribs several times by Himmler himself. Bloodied, Elser denied all knowledge of a wider plot, although he reportedly admitted that two mysterious men had supplied him with the explosives. He did not know who they were, Elser claimed. That same day, November 9, Hitler decided not to march in the Beer Hall Putsch commemoration as in years past. On the 10th, still fearful of army reaction to his western assault plans, he postponed the jump-off date of November 15 for the first of 29 times. (It finally took place on May 10, 1940.) On November 11, Hitler attended the public funeral in Munich for victims of the blast.

Meanwhile, Elser was sent to Dachau concentration camp, where he later smuggled a note to Best and Stevens claiming that he had been brought before the commandant at Dachau in October 1939 and given the bomb by the two unknown men—SS agents?—who had persuaded him to plant the device to kill “traitors against the Führer.” According to Elser’s alleged account, the explosion was intentionally delayed until after Hitler left the building. Was any of this true? Was Schellenberg, in fact, a double agent for the British? He survived the war, escaped being tried as a war criminal at Nuremberg, and died peacefully in 1948 of natural causes. Was the explosion caused by a dissident Nazi anti-Hitler movement angry over the Nazi-Soviet Pact of the previous August? Was the blast calculated by Hitler himself to whip up German enthusiasm for the war, as American radio correspondent William Shirer believed? Or was there actually an SS plot to take over the Third Reich in 1939? We will never know for sure. Heydrich was assassinated in 1942, and Himmler died a suicide in 1945, taking his secrets with him to the grave. He had, however, seen to it that Georg Elser lived an almost privileged existence at Dachau, and even provided him with tools and wood to make cabinets.



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