Obama’s daughters joined summer protests against police brutality


Former President Barack Obama says his two daughters masked up and marched in Black Lives Matter protests over the summer, albeit in a manner that avoided publicity.

OBAMA SAYS SOME REPUBLICANS DRIVE MESSAGE THAT ‘WHITE MEN ARE VICTIMS’

Nineteen-year-old Sasha and 22-year-old Malia joined demonstrations after the death of George Floyd, which created a social reckoning surrounding police brutality against Black people in America, with little guidance from their dad, Obama said in an interview with People magazine promoting his memoir “A Promised Land.” 

“They had a very clear sense of what was right and what was wrong and [of] their own agency and the power of their voice and the need to participate,” Obama said. “Malia and Sasha found their own ways to get involved with the demonstrations and activism that you saw with young people this summer, without any prompting from Michelle and myself, on their own initiative.”

BIDEN DISTANCES HIMSELF FROM OBAMA AMID ‘THIRD TERM’ COMPARISONS

“They didn’t do it in a way where they were looking for limelight,” the former president, 59, said. “They were very much in organizer mode.”

“I could not have been prouder of them,” he said.

The girls have largely veered from the limelight since growing up in the public eye during their father’s presidency. 

But Obama said they both saw “something wrong” and desired to “fix it,” which motivated them to take action.

“They’re reflective of their generation in the sense they want to make a difference and they think about their careers in terms of: How do I have a positive impact? How do I make the world better?” he said. “What particular paths they take in doing that, I think, are going to change and vary between the two of them.”

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“I think they’re going to want to have an impact and their friends feel the same way,” he said. “It’s interesting when you talk to them in groups, the degree to which, compared to young people when I was coming out of college or you know even 20 years ago, I think people were much more focused on their finances and the perks of a job. And these kids are really focused on — how can I do something that I find meaningful, that resonates with my values and my ideals? And that, I think, is an encouraging sign for the country.”



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Obama’s elegant elegy for the fraying thread that links the US


It becomes a powerful metaphor for his presidency. Obama knows, even if he finds it painful to admit, that the uplift he gave the country was ‘‘fleeting’’. His memoir becomes a study in the gradual recognition that the politics he believed in, founded on a common humanity, would struggle to heal the country’s deep divisions. That his story about what Americans ‘‘might be’’ was only ever a short-term break from an unrelenting cynicism towards politics and institutions that had already tapped deep roots in the country. He recognises, too, the fear and anger in what he calls the ‘‘meat and potato folks’’, many of whom ‘‘didn’t trust a word’’ he said. Still, Obama wanted to believe the ‘‘ability to connect was still there’’. The resilience of his optimism rarely falters.

With its reflective tone, its searing examination of his own failures and shortcomings, its account of his idealism meeting the blunt reality of a dysfunctional Washington intent on bringing him down, the book can be read as a kind of elegy for the ‘‘common thread’’ he sees binding society together. Obama is watching it unravel even as he is trying desperately to repair the selvedges in the American fabric.

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Obama knows the history of ‘‘how this post war consensus broke down’’, from LBJ’s loss of the South following the Civil Rights Act, through Vietnam, feminism, Roe v Wade, busing, gay rights, Newt Gingrich and the Clinton impeachment.

He recognises that Sarah Palin’s nomination as Vice-President provides a ‘‘template for future politicians’’, calls the rise of the Tea Party a ‘‘new and suddenly potent force’’, but concedes the working and middle-class whites gravitating towards it ‘‘had suffered for decades from sluggish wages, rising costs and the loss of the steady blue-collar work that provided secure retirements’’.

They might have been straight from Billy Joel’s 1982 song Allentown: ‘‘killing time, filling out forms, standing in line’’ in the places where the ‘‘restlessness was handed down’’. Obama stoked those embers of fear and anger himself when he once remarked that people in the small towns of Pennsylvania ‘‘cling to guns or religion or antipathy towards people that aren’t like them’’.

Obama was fond of the quote that the ‘‘arc of the moral universe is long but it bends towards justice’’. Yet his inheritance – a global financial crisis and two intractable wars in Iraq and Afghanistan – was always going to mean that the arc could only be bent so far.

Barack Obama acknowledges his supporters after announcing his campaign for the presidency in Springfield, Illinois on February 10, 2007.

Barack Obama acknowledges his supporters after announcing his campaign for the presidency in Springfield, Illinois on February 10, 2007.Credit:

If America was becoming even more riven at home, played out here in his recounting of toxic debates over how to staunch the fiscal bleed from the Wall Street Crash, healthcare, the fate of the auto industry along with tax and immigration reform, America’s image overseas was a different story. The country was ‘‘still a symbol abroad’’, he writes, still receiving the ‘‘rituals of tribute to an empire’’.

It is telling that the sheer madness of the Trump-led ‘‘birther’’ conspiracy reaches its peak as Obama deliberates on whether to send in the Navy SEALS to eliminate Osama Bin Laden.

Obama’s rise had gained new momentum when in 2002, during his term as an Illinois State Senator, he had spoken out against the Iraq war in a speech of moral courage and simple wisdom. He was not opposed to all wars, he said, but, against the weight of political and public opinion at the time, including most in his own party, he had had been brave enough to worry aloud about a US occupation of ‘‘undetermined length, with undetermined costs and with undetermined consequences’’.

In office, then, he wanted to temper visions of American manifest destiny with a ‘‘humility about our ability to remake the world in our image’’. He chafed at what he calls the Washington ‘‘playbook’’ where, clearly forgetting Vietnam, military chiefs prioritised ‘‘resolve’’ over the dangers of ‘‘mission creep’’ in Afghanistan. The antiwar candidate ended up putting more troops into the field than he brought home, but made the generals sign on the dotted line to put an end to ‘‘Pentagon freelancing’’ for the remainder of his presidency.

Consumed by the Middle East, Obama believed that the China challenge was still ‘‘decades away’’, that any threat to American hegemony would come, too, from Washington’s own ‘‘strategic mistakes’’. And, discussing his toughening stance on the US/China trade imbalance, he draws on a phrase he’d surely redraft in a new edition, saying he felt like he was ‘‘haggling over the price of chickens at a market stall rather than negotiating trade policy between the world’s two largest economies’’.

Barack and Michelle Obama wave after the then candidate for the Senate had delivered a keynote address to the Democratic National Convention in July, 2004.

Barack and Michelle Obama wave after the then candidate for the Senate had delivered a keynote address to the Democratic National Convention in July, 2004.Credit:AP

If there had been a subtitle for Obama’s memoir it would surely have been ‘‘an intellectual in politics’’. He confesses a tendency towards too much navel-gazing, admits to getting ‘‘lost in his head’’. He knows that at times the best that leaders and policymakers can do is to adapt to the world at large piecemeal, by groping with a genuine indetermination in their aims. There is in this work a weighing of options, a balancing of the alternatives, a measured commitment of the self.

For Obama, history both illuminates and irritates the present. He wanted to break free of the simple linear narrative, to throw down the gauntlet to the view that history had a ‘‘predetermined course, an endless cycle of fear, hunger and conflict, dominance and weakness’’. But he also recognised his limitations. He knew that what Czech President Vaclav Havel told him in Prague, that he had been ‘‘cursed with people’s high expectations’’, was probably right.

This book, which covers only Obama’s first term, carries the reader deep into the policy brief, up onto the podium and the ‘‘sugar high’’ of his speeches and into the life of a man trying to be a husband and father at the same time as running the country.

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In the book’s preface Obama sets out the stakes at play. Writing amidst the global pandemic, and as President Trump scorched a very different path across the country, Obama will not give up on an interconnected world. We will learn to cooperate again, he muses, come to respect each other’s dignity, or ‘‘we will perish’’.

Obama’s presidency has for the past four years been assessed largely in the shadows of what followed it. But his memoir will begin the important process of assessing it on its own terms.

James Curran is professor of modern history at Sydney University.

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Lexington – Barack Obama’s new memoir will give his former deputy little comfort | United States


THE ONLY racist epithets Barack Obama recalls from his first presidential campaign, in his engrossing new memoir, “A Promised Land”, were uttered by the rural white folk who declared they were “thinking of voting for the nigger”. He would go on to win the biggest majority of any Democrat since 1964, including by unexpectedly bagging white, working-class states such as Iowa and Ohio. “Race doesn’t matter!” chanted the crowds that celebrated his victories. Yet two years later Tea Party protesters were waving banners of Mr Obama with a bone through his nose. The proportion of Republicans who said he was Muslim soared—to around half by the end of his presidency. Whereupon millions of those same rural supporters elected the main spreader of racist lies about Mr Obama to be his successor.

As that chronology should suggest, the white backlash to Mr Obama, which Donald Trump rode to the White House, was not inevitable. It was engineered, a product of unprecedented obstruction from the Republican establishment in combination with relentless slander of the president and his adored, politics-loathing wife by the conservative media. “It’s a trip, isn’t it?” murmured Michelle Obama, after glimpsing a Tea Party rally on television. “That they’re scared of you. Scared of us.

The hate-mongering on Fox News was the channel’s stock-in-trade. But what were Republican elites so afraid of? They said Mr Obama was dictatorial or radical. Yet the record he describes in his dispassionate yet fluid style suggests how untrue that was. Though he had shortcomings—a tendency to vacillate, a distaste for political cut-and-thrust that bordered on aloofness—Mr Obama was a relatively unassuming chief executive. He rehired his Republican predecessor’s defence secretary, awarded a plum cabinet job to his resentful Democratic rival and considered his celebrity status absurd. (On learning he had been awarded the Nobel peace prize, less than a year into his term, he retorted: “For what?”)

He was also intrinsically moderate. Indeed his presidency, to use a term it popularised, looks in retrospect like a stress-test of the system’s ability to embrace that consensus-forging quality.

Consider that Mr Obama’s signature health-care and climate policies were based on Republican initiatives. And he diluted the former in a failed bid to get a single Republican vote for it in the Senate, though his party had a supermajority there. A veneer of bipartisan support would make the law more resilient, he thought. And he had no time for those on the left who griped at such compromises. He and his advisers adopted the phrase “public option” (which these days counts as the most modest health-care reform Democrats will consider) to refer to any left-wing unicorn.

His moderation was part-learned: he notes that most of the big social reforms started incrementally. But mostly it reflected his background. Raised in Hawaii by his white, Kansan grandparents, he retained a strain of their cultural conservatism—cautious, with a reverence for tradition and community—even after he acquired a more unambiguously black self-awareness and hunger for social justice. Uniting those disparate parts, by acting “as translator and bridge among family, friends, acquaintances and colleagues”, became at once an identity and a political mission. It also explains his characteristic political traits.

They were the idealism and fine sense of empathy he showed on the trail (though his novelty—“a blank canvas upon which supporters across the ideological spectrum could project their own vision of change”—also helped). His pragmatism and restraint were related qualities. Together they defined his vision of change.

Thus, for example, the constrained idealism of his foreign policy, which is considered less heretical in the DC think-tank realm these days. Thus, too, his nuanced pronouncements on race, including his greatest speech, in 2008, in which he claimed that his grandmother’s petty chauvinism was as much a part of him as the overheated America-bashing of his black pastor. (“That was a very nice speech, Bar,” she responded.) Restrained to a fault, Mr Obama is even unwilling to castigate his enemies. He confesses to a sneaking regard for the Tea Party’s organisation. But he comes close to letting Chuck Grassley have it. He was the Republican senator who kept Mr Obama guessing on his health-care bill only to admit that, for all his prevarication, he was never going to back it.

It seems likely that Republican leaders and donors obstructed Mr Obama so feverishly not because they genuinely thought he was an extremist, but because they knew that he was not. It was precisely his attempted bridge-building that was so threatening to them. Because it was at odds with the story they had been telling their voters about the left for a decade. And because, had Mr Obama pulled it off, it would have made his already powerful government hugely popular. Paradoxically, it was by spurning his offer of bipartisanship that the Republicans made him seem, true to the right-wing caricature, overbearing and partisan. It also helped them stymie his plans and thereby dismantle the powerful Democratic trifecta he had assembled at the mid-terms in 2010.

The conventional wisdom, which usually exaggerates individual dramas and downplays structural flaws, still blames Mr Obama for much of that failure. But, notwithstanding his imperfections, it is hard to think what he could have done to avoid it. His presidency represented a genuine effort to break through partisan polarisation which mainly showed what an impossible ambition that was.

Barack to the barricades

This is not a great lookout for Mr Obama’s former vice-president—about whom he is scrupulously complimentary and unrevealing. Joe Biden will soon return to the White House for his own stab at restoring bipartisan comity, but with a far weaker mandate than Mr Obama had, and at a more brutally divided time. He will make mistakes. He will be slammed for them. But if his government fails to ease the rancour, he may not be the reason why.

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Read our latest coverage of the presidential transition, and then sign up for Checks and Balance, our weekly newsletter and podcast on American politics.

This article appeared in the United States section of the print edition under the headline “Audacious and obstructed”

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Barack Obama’s Memoir Is an Exercise in Tragic Realism


The first volume of Barack Obama’s memoirs puts to the test whether a good writer can survive being president. Obama entered politics as a writer, not the other way around. Dreams From My Father, published in 1995, when he was 33, tells of his search for identity and meaning as the son of a white woman from Kansas and a Black man from Kenya. By almost any standard, it’s an exceptional first book, restless and subtle and driven by a deepening self-knowledge. The story ends shortly before Obama enters the hard world of Chicago politics in the mid-90s—not an obvious destination for the book’s sensitive protagonist. Years later, during his 2004 Senate race, Obama told a magazine journalist following him around Illinois that he’d like to trade places for a day and be the one observing and taking notes. This tension between the writer and politician, the dreamer and activist, detachment and involvement—“wanting to be in politics but not of it”—plays out in one form or another all through Obama’s career, and in his new memoir.

A Promised Land is indisputably a book by the author of Dreams From My Father. There’s the same capacity for self-awareness and self-criticism, the talent for description and narrative pacing, the empathy and wry asides. The best passages—such as those describing Obama’s political rise from Chicago to the Iowa caucus and the Democratic nomination in 2008—have the fresh energy of experience the author has longed to revisit. The bigger the politician gets, the harder the writer has to struggle to stay in command of the story. In the account of Obama’s presidency, which ends with the raid that killed Osama bin Laden in 2011, the narrative voice disappears for long stretches of policy debates, historical contexts, and foreign trips. “I’m painfully aware that a more gifted writer could have found a way to tell the same story with greater brevity,” Obama admits in the preface. But somehow, through a decade and a half of intense exposure, speeches, interviews, meetings, briefings, and galas, the ex-president has preserved his inner life, and with it his literary light. That tension between the public figure and the private man is one of the new book’s main themes.

It’s evident in the way Obama experiences the sudden and persistent strangeness of the office—how “my first name all but disappeared,” how everyone stood whenever he entered a room, how unnatural his imprisonment in the White House and even on trips outside the gates felt. He has a recurring dream of walking along a busy street and suddenly realizing, with a rush of joy, that no one recognizes him and his security detail is gone. Presidents talk about the loneliness of the job. This book, crowded with characters and incidents, makes you feel it—as when Obama has to leave a Situation Room meeting on whether to take military action in Libya, walks over to the residence, sits through a formal dinner, making small talk with a wounded veteran and all the while thinking through a war plan, then returns to the West Wing to announce it.



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Donald Trump mocks Obama’s return to campaign trail, noting he couldn’t help Hillary win in 2016


President Donald Trump mocked Barack Obama‘s return to the campaign trail on Tuesday by reviving an old claim – that his inauguration had a larger audience than the former president’s – and pointing out that he won in 2016 despite Obama’s campaigning for Hillary Clinton.

Trump fired back at Obama at a campaign rally in Gastonia, North Carolina, taking the stage about an hour after his predecessor delivered a blistering attack on his presidency during a campaign rally for Joe Biden in Philadelphia.

‘You know Obama’s now campaigning,’ he said. ‘Oh, here we go.’

He attacked Obama for not originally supporting Biden, which could have been a reference to reports Obama favored Clinton in 2016 or that Obama refused to endorse in the 2020 Democratic primary until there was a clear winner, which is a standard practice for former presidents. 

‘He refused to support Biden,’ Trump said, blasting the former president as ‘Barack Hussein Obama.’

He pointed out Obama campaigned multiple times for Clinton during the 2016 campaign – a contest Trump won.

‘There was nobody that campaigned harder for Crooked Hillary Clinton than Obama,’ Trump said. ‘He was all over the place.’

President Donald Trump mocked Barack Obama’s return to the campaign trail

President Trump also said he'd better win the critical state of North Carolina on November 3: 'I've been all over your state. You better let me win'

President Trump also said he’d better win the critical state of North Carolina on November 3: ‘I’ve been all over your state. You better let me win’

Former President Barack Obama, campaigning for Joe Biden in Philadelphia, delivered a blistering attack on Trump's presidency

Former President Barack Obama, campaigning for Joe Biden in Philadelphia, delivered a blistering attack on Trump’s presidency

US President Donald Trump addresses supporters during a Make America Great Again rally as he campaigns in Gastonia, North Carolina

US President Donald Trump addresses supporters during a Make America Great Again rally as he campaigns in Gastonia, North Carolina

Trump is surrounded by thousands of supporters in Gastonia, North Carolina, on Wednesday night for his MAGA rally

Trump is surrounded by thousands of supporters in Gastonia, North Carolina, on Wednesday night for his MAGA rally

Thousands of Trump supporters packed into the airport in Gastonia, North Carolina, on Wednesday night

Thousands of Trump supporters packed into the airport in Gastonia, North Carolina, on Wednesday night

He told a mocking story about how Obama predicted Trump wouldn’t get the Republican nomination and then wouldn’t win the White House. 

‘The only one more unhappy than Crooked Hillary that night was Barack Hussein Obama,’ Trump said in reference to election night in 2016. 

The president also brought up one of his first arguments with Obama, saying the audience for his inauguration was even bigger and that the photo showing fewer people at his was actually taken after he was done speaking.

President Trump referred to the former president with his middle name in his attack, complaining when photos of the two events were shown side-by-side ‘they show empty space and they show Barack Hussein Obama’s.’

He argued his audience was bigger when ‘new things’ were included, believed to be a reference to online and streaming audiences.  

‘I said, I think the word we used was audience that included all of the new things, you know, all of the different things,’ he said, adding: ‘I think we had the largest audience anywhere in the world.’

He said the photos shown of his event were taken five or six hours after his inaugural address.  

‘They took the pictures about five or six hours,’ he said. ‘When I was speaking it was packed.’ 

President Trump revived his argument he had a bigger inaugural audience - above is a combination of photos taken at the National Mall shows the crowds attending the inauguration ceremonies to swear in President Donald Trump at 12:01 pm (left) on January 20, 2017 and President Barack Obama on January 20, 2009 (right)

President Trump revived his argument he had a bigger inaugural audience – above is a combination of photos taken at the National Mall shows the crowds attending the inauguration ceremonies to swear in President Donald Trump at 12:01 pm (left) on January 20, 2017 and President Barack Obama on January 20, 2009 (right)

President Trump promised a 'surprise' for '60 Minutes' during his rally in North Carolina

President Trump promised a ‘surprise’ for ’60 Minutes’ during his rally in North Carolina

Abiding by social distancing protocols to prevent the spread of COVID-19, President Barack Obama's speech in Philly was drive-in-style with supporters standing near or sitting in their cars

Abiding by social distancing protocols to prevent the spread of COVID-19, President Barack Obama’s speech in Philly was drive-in-style with supporters standing near or sitting in their cars 

President Donald Trump addresses the crowd at a Make America Great Again event at Gastonia Municipal Airport on October 21, 2020 in Gastonia, North Carolina

President Barack Obama speaks as he campaigns on behalf of Democratic presidential nominee and his former Vice President Joe Biden in Philadelphia

President Donald Trump addresses the crowd at a Make America Great Again event at Gastonia Municipal Airport on October 21, 2020 in Gastonia, North Carolina (left) and President Barack Obama speaks as he campaigns on behalf of Democratic presidential nominee and his former Vice President Joe Biden in Philadelphia

Former President Barack Obama waves after speaking at Citizens Bank Park as he campaigns for Democratic presidential candidate former Vice President Joe Biden, Wednesday

Former President Barack Obama waves after speaking at Citizens Bank Park as he campaigns for Democratic presidential candidate former Vice President Joe Biden, Wednesday

President Obama gestures while speaking to Biden fans at a drive-in rally in Philadelphia on Wednesday evening

President Obama gestures while speaking to Biden fans at a drive-in rally in Philadelphia on Wednesday evening

President Obama described Trump's actions in the White House over the last four years as 'normal presidential behavior'

President Obama described Trump’s actions in the White House over the last four years as ‘normal presidential behavior’

Obama wore a black mask with the word 'VOTE' emblazoned across it as he arrived on the stage in Pennsylvania last night

Obama wore a black mask with the word ‘VOTE’ emblazoned across it as he arrived on the stage in Pennsylvania last night

Obama waves to supporters after arriving in Pennsylvania to lend his hand to the Biden campaign last night

Obama waves to supporters after arriving in Pennsylvania to lend his hand to the Biden campaign last night

Obama speaking passionately on behalf of his former right-hand man in Pennsylvania on Wednesday evening

Obama speaking passionately on behalf of his former right-hand man in Pennsylvania on Wednesday evening

Former US President Barack Obama addresses Biden-Harris supporters during a drive-in rally in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on Wednesday

Former US President Barack Obama addresses Biden-Harris supporters during a drive-in rally in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on Wednesday

Obama addresses Biden-Harris supporters during a drive-in rally in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on Wednesday

Obama addresses Biden-Harris supporters during a drive-in rally in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on Wednesday

However, time stamps on the photos showed by were taken at 12:01 pm on the respective inauguration days – the moment a president takes the oath of office. 

Obama, making his first in-person campaign appearance for Biden on Wednesday, delivered a ferocious attack on Trump, calling him ‘crazy,’ accusing him of lying every day, and tweeting conspiracy theories.

It was Obama’s strongest critique yet of his successor in the Oval Office. He blasted Trump for both his policies and his rhetoric. 

‘That’s not normal presidential behavior,’ Obama said.   

Trump didn’t just attack Obama, however. He also promised a ‘surprise’ for ’60 Minutes’ after he walked out of an interview with Lesley Stahl that taped at the White House on Tuesday. 

 ‘We have a little surprise for 60 Minutes,’ he told the cheering crowd. 

He didn’t give any hints but, on Tuesday evening, he threatened to post the entire interview online before CBS could air on Sunday night. 

Trump indicated one of the question that made him angry.  He said Stahl questioned him about comment he made at a rally earlier in October, when he asked suburban women, a critical voting bloc who he won in 2016 but is struggling to woo this year, to like him. 

‘She said, You are begging for women to love you. You said women Please love you,’ Trump claimed Stahl asked him.

At an October 14 rally in Pennsylvania, Trump said: ‘Suburban women, will you please like me? I saved your damn neighborhood.’

Trump vowed Tuesday that he would post portions of the program before its airtime on Sunday to show the ‘biased’ nature of Stahl’s interview, which the president abruptly ended after 45 minutes when faced with a tough line of questioning.

Instead of posting any clips Wednesday, the president shared several pictures, including one showing Stahl looking at a very large book of what Trump says are his accomplishments and work regarding healthcare since taking office.

President Trump pointed out Obama couldn't get Hillary Clinton elected in 2016 - above Obama and Clinton campaign in Philadelphia in November 2016

President Trump pointed out Obama couldn’t get Hillary Clinton elected in 2016 – above Obama and Clinton campaign in Philadelphia in November 2016

Then-President Obama with then Vice President Joe Biden, in November 2016 at the White House

Then-President Obama with then Vice President Joe Biden, in November 2016 at the White House

Earlier Wednesday Trump posted photos from his interview with CBS' Lesley Stahl and has threatened to post the entire interview online ahead of its Sunday air date

Earlier Wednesday Trump posted photos from his interview with CBS’ Lesley Stahl and has threatened to post the entire interview online ahead of its Sunday air date 

Trump has made several stops in North Carolina – and daughter Ivanka was there Tuesday – as polls show him trailing Biden but just barely. The Democratic nominee leads by 2 points in the RealClearPolitics average of North Carolina polls, well within the margin of error.

North Carolina is a critical state in the election. Kamala Harris campaigned for Team Biden in the state earlier Wednesday.

‘I’ve been all over your state. You better let me win,’ Trump told his rally Wednesday night.

In his one hour and 20 minutes speech, Trump listed the enemies that Trump says he fights ‘all by myself.’ The litany includes the media, tech giants, ‘the really stupid dumb people — the never Trumpers,’ ‘the rhinos that’s Republican in name only -Rhino, I love that,’ and especially ‘the deep staters.’

Trump also blasted Biden, repeating several of his charges that are red meat to supporters: that Biden will close schools and churches will taking their guns and destroying the economy.

‘This election is a choice between a Trump super recovery, or a Biden steep, depression, and that’s what you’re going to have,’ he said. 

‘It’s between a Trump boom or a Biden lockdown,’ he added.

Ivanka Trump campaigned for her father in North Carolina on Tuesday

Ivanka Trump campaigned for her father in North Carolina on Tuesday

Kamala Harris campaigned for Team Biden in Charlotte, North Carolina, on Wednesday

Kamala Harris campaigned for Team Biden in Charlotte, North Carolina, on Wednesday

He again when after Biden’s son Hunter, bringing up the ‘laptop from hell’ as he called it. The laptop was found at a Wilmington repair shop and contained emails reportedly between Hunter Biden and Ukrainian officials and Chinese officials. Rudy Giuliani, Trump’s personal lawyer, gave a copy of the hard drive to the New York Post and the laptop is reported to be in the FBI’s hands. 

‘Explosive emails from Hunter Biden also show that Hunter was negotiating with a Chinese are tied to the Communist China party to receive $10 million a year for introductions well that sounds reasonable I think you do that. I think I’d even do it,’ he said.

The crowd roared back ‘Lock him up, lock him up, lock him up.’

The ‘lock her up’ chant was one of Trump’s most popular in the 2016 campaign and was in reference to Hillary Clinton. Trump has brought in back in the past week to use it against the Bidens – both Joe and Hunter.  

‘This laptop is a disaster. How the hell do he ever let go of this sucker. He got to have it fixed I guess he forgot to pick it up. What the hell?’ Trump said.

He then referenced a report that there were intelligence concerns the laptop was actually planted by the Russians to influence the 2020 election.

President Trump also went after Hunter Biden, the son of former Vice President Joe Biden

President Trump also went after Hunter Biden, the son of former Vice President Joe Biden

Trump also attacked Democratic Congressman Adam Schiff, the head of the House Intelligence Committee who led the impeachment investigation into Trump, calling him a 'watermelon head'

Trump also attacked Democratic Congressman Adam Schiff, the head of the House Intelligence Committee who led the impeachment investigation into Trump, calling him a ‘watermelon head’

‘Russia, ah Russia. They probably think we are the wackiest people,’ Trump said.

He also attacked Democratic Congressman Adam Schiff, the head of the House Intelligence Committee who led the impeachment investigation into Trump, calling him a ‘watermelon head.’

Trump blasted Schiff for going on television to voice concern that Russia was behind the laptop. 

‘So Adam Schiff, this guy, the watermelon head,’ he said, going to say Schiff said ‘this was caused by Russia. Russia. Russia caused this, they created this.’

‘That guy should be locked up,’ Trump said of Schiff.

‘Lock him up, lock him up,’ the crowd shouted back.  

 



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Trump Suggests All Biden Did as Vice President Was Kiss Obama’s Ass



President Donald Trump on Saturday ridiculed former Vice President Joe Biden’s political career, suggesting that the only thing he did was kiss former President Barack Obama’s ass.

“He was the vice president for eight years, and he only did one thing good: He treated Obama good,” Trump said.

The president said he was going to say something different, but the corporate media would be upset.

“He kissed his ass!” yelled a supporter in the crowd.

“That’s exactly what I was going to say,” Trump replied. “But it’s better if you say it.”

“He kissed his ass!” the supporter repeated.

“That’s what I said,” Trump reeled. “That’s what I was going [to say]…”

The president commented on Biden and Obama during a rally in Minden, Nevada on Saturday night.
After the crowd cheered, Trump replied, “Only in Nevada…”



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Tucker Carlson Mocks Left’s Reaction to Michelle Obama’s DNC Speech — She Is ‘Their L. Ron Hubbard’



Tuesday, Fox News Channel’s Tucker Carlson questioned the merits of messages conveyed by the speakers a night earlier at the Democratic National Convention.

He took special exception to the former first lady Michelle Obama’s presentation, which she portrayed herself as a victim, according to Carlson.

“Michelle Obama could teach a master’s class in this mode of communication. Last night she delivered a taped address from her $11 million estate on Martha’s Vineyard. Michelle Obama, it’s fair to say, has done pretty well for herself. But what she wanted you to know last night was that she is still a victim — she and everyone who looks like her, so shut up and accept her dominion over you.”

Carlson hammered Obama, arguing that her message regarding the threat posed to unarmed black men was a “complete crock.”

“We don’t want to be too harsh about this,” Carlson continued. “We’re not lawyers, but we understand the constitutional limits of the First Amendment is now defined — no shouting ‘fire’ in a crowded theater, no criticizing Michelle Obama. We know that, so we’re going to say this as gently as possible, meaning absolutely no disrespect, and of course being certain to pronounce everyone’s name correctly — but what you heard was just a total and complete crock. A never-ending list of innocent people of color continue to be murdered? That’s what Michelle Obama told us.”

“Well, no,” he continued. “So far this year, there have been a total of eight unarmed black men killed by police in this country. Not a never-ending list, eight. Last year there was a total of 14. So what Michelle Obama just told you is a total lie, a calculated lie, a lie designed to make America more fearful, more angry, more divided, and thereby help her candidate win. That’s what Michelle Obama just did. But pretty much no one pointed it out last night. They were too afraid to because, as Michelle Obama made very clear, if you disagree with what she says, you are a bigot.”

Carlson mocked the media reaction to Michelle Obama’s speech, likening her to Church of Scientology founder L. Ron Hubbard.

“[Y]ou probably still think of the left as secular, but not anymore. They are fervent religious fanatics. Michelle Obama is their L. Ron Hubbard. Everything she does is good by definition. She’s the most beautiful, the smartest, the wisest. If Michelle Obama played golf, she would shoot an 18 every time. In the words of Van Jones, her speech last night was extraordinary. Even though, as you know, if you saw it, it was exactly the opposite of that. The speech was ordinary. It was totally pedestrian, like almost everything Michelle Obama says. But you can’t admit that. You’ve got to pretend she is Aristotle. That’s the law.”

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‘He is clearly in over his head’: Read Michelle Obama’s full speech denouncing Donald Trump


Former First Lady’s Michelle Obama’s speech to the Democratic National Convention, as broadcast Aug. 17, 2020:

Good evening, everyone. It’s a hard time, and everyone’s feeling it in different ways. And I know a lot of folks are reluctant to tune into a political convention right now or to politics in general. Believe me, I get that. But I am here tonight because I love this country with all my heart, and it pains me to see so many people hurting.

I’ve met so many of you. I’ve heard your stories. And through you, I have seen this country’s promise. And thanks to so many who came before me, thanks to their toil and sweat and blood, I’ve been able to live that promise myself.

That’s the story of America. All those folks who sacrificed and overcame so much in their own times because they wanted something more, something better for their kids.

There’s a lot of beauty in that story. There’s a lot of pain in it, too, a lot of struggle and injustice and work left to do. And who we choose as our president in this election will determine whether or not we honor that struggle and chip away at that injustice and keep alive the very possibility of finishing that work.

I am one of a handful of people living today who have seen firsthand the immense weight and awesome power of the presidency. And let me once again tell you this: the job is hard. It requires clear-headed judgment, a mastery of complex and competing issues, a devotion to facts and history, a moral compass, and an ability to listen — and an abiding belief that each of the 330,000,000 lives in this country has meaning and worth.

A president’s words have the power to move markets. They can start wars or broker peace. They can summon our better angels or awaken our worst instincts. You simply cannot fake your way through this job.

As I’ve said before, being president doesn’t change who you are; it reveals who you are. Well, a presidential election can reveal who we are, too. And four years ago, too many people chose to believe that their votes didn’t matter. Maybe they were fed up. Maybe they thought the outcome wouldn’t be close. Maybe the barriers felt too steep. Whatever the reason, in the end, those choices sent someone to the Oval Office who lost the national popular vote by nearly 3,000,000 votes.

In one of the states that determined the outcome, the winning margin averaged out to just two votes per precinct — two votes. And we’ve all been living with the consequences.

When my husband left office with Joe Biden at his side, we had a record-breaking stretch of job creation. We’d secured the right to health care for 20,000,000 people. We were respected around the world, rallying our allies to confront climate change. And our leaders had worked hand-in-hand with scientists to help prevent an Ebola outbreak from becoming a global pandemic.

Four years later, the state of this nation is very different. More than 150,000 people have died, and our economy is in shambles because of a virus that this president downplayed for too long. It has left millions of people jobless. Too many have lost their health care; too many are struggling to take care of basic necessities like food and rent; too many communities have been left in the lurch to grapple with whether and how to open our schools safely. Internationally, we’ve turned our back, not just on agreements forged by my husband, but on alliances championed by presidents like Reagan and Eisenhower.

And here at home, as George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and a never-ending list of innocent people of color continue to be murdered, stating the simple fact that a Black life matters is still met with derision from the nation’s highest office.

Because whenever we look to this White House for some leadership or consolation or any semblance of steadiness, what we get instead is chaos, division and a total and utter lack of empathy.

Empathy: That’s something I’ve been thinking a lot about lately. The ability to walk in someone else’s shoes; the recognition that someone else’s experience has value, too. Most of us practice this without a second thought. If we see someone suffering or struggling, we don’t stand in judgment. We reach out because, “There, but for the grace of God, go I.” It is not a hard concept to grasp. It’s what we teach our children.

And like so many of you, Barack and I have tried our best to instill in our girls a strong moral foundation to carry forward the values that our parents and grandparents poured into us. But right now, kids in this country are seeing what happens when we stop requiring empathy of one another. They’re looking around wondering if we’ve been lying to them this whole time about who we are and what we truly value.

They see people shouting in grocery stores, unwilling to wear a mask to keep us all safe. They see people calling the police on folks minding their own business just because of the color of their skin. They see an entitlement that says only certain people belong here, that greed is good, and winning is everything because as long as you come out on top, it doesn’t matter what happens to everyone else. And they see what happens when that lack of empathy is ginned up into outright disdain.

They see our leaders labeling fellow citizens enemies of the state while emboldening torch-bearing white supremacists. They watch in horror as children are torn from their families and thrown into cages, and pepper spray and rubber bullets are used on peaceful protestors for a photo-op.

Sadly, this is the America that is on display for the next generation. A nation that’s underperforming not simply on matters of policy but on matters of character. And that’s not just disappointing; it’s downright infuriating, because I know the goodness and the grace that is out there in households and neighborhoods all across this nation.

And I know that regardless of our race, age, religion, or politics, when we close out the noise and the fear and truly open our hearts, we know that what’s going on in this country is just not right. This is not who we want to be.

So what do we do now? What’s our strategy? Over the past four years, a lot of people have asked me, “When others are going so low, does going high still really work?” My answer: going high is the only thing that works, because when we go low, when we use those same tactics of degrading and dehumanizing others, we just become part of the ugly noise that’s drowning out everything else. We degrade ourselves. We degrade the very causes for which we fight.

But let’s be clear: going high does not mean putting on a smile and saying nice things when confronted by viciousness and cruelty. Going high means taking the harder path. It means scraping and clawing our way to that mountain top. Going high means standing fierce against hatred while remembering that we are one nation under God, and if we want to survive, we’ve got to find a way to live together and work together across our differences.

And going high means unlocking the shackles of lies and mistrust with the only thing that can truly set us free: the cold hard truth.

So let me be as honest and clear as I possibly can. Donald Trump is the wrong president for our country. He has had more than enough time to prove that he can do the job, but he is clearly in over his head. He cannot meet this moment. He simply cannot be who we need him to be for us. It is what it is.

Now, I understand that my message won’t be heard by some people. We live in a nation that is deeply divided, and I am a Black woman speaking at the Democratic Convention. But enough of you know me by now. You know that I tell you exactly what I’m feeling. You know I hate politics. But you also know that I care about this nation. You know how much I care about all of our children.

So if you take one thing from my words tonight, it is this: if you think things cannot possibly get worse, trust me, they can; and they will if we don’t make a change in this election. If we have any hope of ending this chaos, we have got to vote for Joe Biden like our lives depend on it.

I know Joe. He is a profoundly decent man, guided by faith. He was a terrific vice president. He knows what it takes to rescue an economy, beat back a pandemic, and lead our country. And he listens. He will tell the truth and trust science. He will make smart plans and manage a good team. And he will govern as someone who’s lived a life that the rest of us can recognize.

When he was a kid, Joe’s father lost his job. When he was a young senator, Joe lost his wife and his baby daughter. And when he was vice president, he lost his beloved son. So Joe knows the anguish of sitting at a table with an empty chair, which is why he gives his time so freely to grieving parents. Joe knows what it’s like to struggle, which is why he gives his personal phone number to kids overcoming a stutter of their own.

His life is a testament to getting back up, and he is going to channel that same grit and passion to pick us all up, to help us heal and guide us forward.

Now, Joe is not perfect. And he’d be the first to tell you that. But there is no perfect candidate, no perfect president. And his ability to learn and grow — we find in that the kind of humility and maturity that so many of us yearn for right now. Because Joe Biden has served this nation his entire life without ever losing sight of who he is; but more than that, he has never lost sight of who we are, all of us.

Joe Biden wants all of our kids to go to a good school, see a doctor when they’re sick, live on a healthy planet. And he’s got plans to make all of that happen. Joe Biden wants all of our kids, no matter what they look like, to be able to walk out the door without worrying about being harassed or arrested or killed. He wants all of our kids to be able to go to a movie or a math class without being afraid of getting shot. He wants all our kids to grow up with leaders who won’t just serve themselves and their wealthy peers but will provide a safety net for people facing hard times.

And if we want a chance to pursue any of these goals, any of these most basic requirements for a functioning society, we have to vote for Joe Biden in numbers that cannot be ignored. Because right now, folks who know they cannot win fair and square at the ballot box are doing everything they can to stop us from voting. They’re closing down polling places in minority neighborhoods. They’re purging voter rolls. They’re sending people out to intimidate voters, and they’re lying about the security of our ballots. These tactics are not new.

But this is not the time to withhold our votes in protest or play games with candidates who have no chance of winning. We have got to vote like we did in 2008 and 2012. We’ve got to show up with the same level of passion and hope for Joe Biden. We’ve got to vote early, in person if we can. We’ve got to request our mail-in ballots right now, tonight, and send them back immediately and follow-up to make sure they’re received. And then, make sure our friends and families do the same.

We have got to grab our comfortable shoes, put on our masks, pack a brown bag dinner and maybe breakfast too, because we’ve got to be willing to stand in line all night if we have to.

Look, we have already sacrificed so much this year. So many of you are already going that extra mile. Even when you’re exhausted, you’re mustering up unimaginable courage to put on those scrubs and give our loved ones a fighting chance. Even when you’re anxious, you’re delivering those packages, stocking those shelves, and doing all that essential work so that all of us can keep moving forward.

Even when it all feels so overwhelming, working parents are somehow piecing it all together without child care. Teachers are getting creative so that our kids can still learn and grow. Our young people are desperately fighting to pursue their dreams.

And when the horrors of systemic racism shook our country and our consciences, millions of Americans of every age, every background rose up to march for each other, crying out for justice and progress.

This is who we still are: compassionate, resilient, decent people whose fortunes are bound up with one another. And it is well past time for our leaders to once again reflect our truth.

So, it is up to us to add our voices and our votes to the course of history, echoing heroes like John Lewis who said, “When you see something that is not right, you must say something. You must do something.” That is the truest form of empathy: not just feeling, but doing; not just for ourselves or our kids, but for everyone, for all our kids.

And if we want to keep the possibility of progress alive in our time, if we want to be able to look our children in the eye after this election, we have got to reassert our place in American history. And we have got to do everything we can to elect my friend, Joe Biden, as the next president of the United States.

Thank you all. God bless.

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