Streakers, pitch invaders, social media reacts, Richmond vs Geelong, mayhem


The first half of the AFL Grand Final had everything — injuries galore, concussions, classy goals and streakers.

During a season of crowd restrictions because of the COVID-19 pandemic, pitch invaders haven’t exactly been too common in 2020.

But a couple of idiots decided to grace the Gabba turf even though they weren’t invited, being chased and pinned down by security before being escorted off the ground.

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Social media was quick to condemn the act, with Channel 7 presenter and former Commonwealth Games swimmer Johanna Griggs leading the charge.

“What morons,” she tweeted as the two pitch invaders were taken down.

The pair were quick to brag about the stunt as social media comedy duo Marty and Michael, joining the infamous ranks of streakers Kinsey Wolanski, who invaded the Champions League and World Series flasher Julia Rose.

The game continued until they got within 50m of the ball.

A combination of the Gabba taking the game away from the MCG for the first non-Victorian Grand Final in history, and traditionalists upset by the move to a night time decider, punters couldn’t believe the wild show Brisbane was putting on.

News reporter James Mottershead tweeted: “Wtf even is this?”, while Triple J’s Hack reporter Jo Lauder wrote: “Total mayhem having the #AFLGF in Brissie. Very 2020.”

Hawthorn youngster Oliver Hanrahan was equally perplexed: “What is happening … this is the most bizarre grand final. Streakers and everything,” he said.

Channel 10 journalist Candice Wyatt added: “PITCH INVADERS! This game has everything … bad entertainment … bad injuries … bad crowd behaviour. Brisbane you are WILD!”

10 presenter Veronica Eggleton joked: “Streakers that aren’t even naked. We’re better than that Qld.”

The footy has been tight with a low scoring game in the decider.

The Cats snatched a 2.2 (14) to 2.1 (13) lead at the first break. Geelong kicked away in the second quarter, running out to a 21-point lead late in the half but the Tigers’ Dustin Martin brought Richmond back into the game with a snap with 75 seconds left in the half.



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How small-business leaders can improve their employer brand through social media


Social media for business is often thought of as a marketing channel for attracting and retaining business. However, the capabilities and value social media adds to an organisation today extends well into any external communications arm of the business. Employer brand value, communication and talent attraction is a key area where social media has played a vital role for businesses across many industries.

Today your online brand presence plays a key role in attracting industry talent. An employer with a strong social media presence versus an employer with no real presence could well be the difference in the quality of candidates you enquire into your business.

So, how does social media contribute to increasing employer brand value?

Social media employer value is more than a glitzy page showcasing team events. My experience through our own talent recruitment, has been that yes, culture out on display on social media is one part of talent feeling comfortable with you as an employer, but also it’s your performance as a business and the showcasing of growth and opportunity that are also standouts.

The following channels are key social media marketing platforms businesses need to consider in an employer brand communications strategy:

  • social media platforms (such as Facebook, LinkedIn, Instagram)
  • review sites (Facebook can be included here also and also employer review sites such as glassdoor.com)
  • blogs and forums
  • video content platforms (such as YouTube).

Keeping the communication channels in mind, the following are fundamental elements you need to incorporate in your employer brand value strategy:

  1. Staying relevant and being thought leaders with up to date and consistent content
  2. Showcase third-party endorsement via reviews and highly rated community recommendations
  3. Professionally manage and maintain your community management
  4. Share company milestones and internal personal and team training and development initiatives e.g. team strategy sessions, workshops, speaking opportunities etc. such as training days and workshops)
  5. Present your company culture and personal growth opportunities that have existed in your company

By way of example, Attention Experts recently worked with a water cooler small business, Call a Cooler. As engaging in a social media strategy built on the five elements discussed helped improve the company’s hiring process and established a summer sales team specifically tasked to sell products door to door. Third party endorsement and online reviews played a key role in attracting talent, building a reputable online brand presence showcased the company’s culture and also its mission around supporting the environment which aligned with a lot of the talent it was trying to attract. Content generated was aligned with the company’s core values, mission and purpose and highlighted the communication management of stakeholders.

In summary, a successful employer brand value through social media is achieved through consistency, understanding the value you have to offer as an employer and most importantly showing these strong points of your brand as an employer in the most genuine way possible. Be authentic and deliver value, this value will return to you with great talent finding you via social media through eventually what is a great employer brand.

George Hawwa, Founder and Growth Director, Attention Experts





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A big old problem – Will Boris Johnson keep his promise to reform social care? | Britain


IN 1943 WINSTON CHURCHILL promised to bring the “magic of averages to the rescue of millions” by creating a national-insurance system to look after Britons from cradle to grave. Some 77 years later, Boris Johnson employed the same phrase at the Conservative Party conference. This time, the “magic of averages” would be used to fix “the injustice of social-care funding”.

Many politicians, including Mr Johnson, have made similar vows, yet failed to act. On October 22nd the House of Commons health and social care committee, led by Jeremy Hunt, Mr Johnson’s erstwhile opponent for Tory leadership, gave the prime minister a prod, with a report urging the government to spend at least £7bn ($9bn) more on social care by 2023-24, thus raising total spending by a third.

Some £3.9bn of the money would cover demographic change—growing numbers of old people and more young people requiring care—and enable providers to pay their staff the rising living wage. The other £3.1bn would be spent on capping the amount people pay for care during their lifetime at £46,000: anything above that would be covered by the state. That idea dates back to a review of social care in 2011 by Andrew Dilnot, an economist.

Unlike health care, social care is both needs-tested and means-tested. At present, only those with assets below £23,250 receive any state support. Since the cost of care is so hard to predict, firms are unwilling to offer protection, making social care the one great risk in life that is in effect uninsurable. A cap on costs would still require fiddly assessments of people’s needs, to keep tabs on how much they have spent from their approved budget. But it would also prevent people’s savings from being wiped out if they get dementia.

It may have other benefits, too. Mr Dilnot argues that people underspend on care because they want to have enough in the bank for the long haul. A cap would remove the fear of running out of money, enabling people to spend more in the short term, including on things (a stairlift, say) that stop them having accidents in the first place. Meanwhile, a more stable financial settlement would help reassure private providers to stay (and invest) in the market. Both would increase the incentive to develop new and better forms of care.

The £7bn price-tag for the committee’s proposal is hefty—but it still leaves plenty out. Social-care workers were more likely to die than even their colleagues in hospitals during the first wave of the covid-19 pandemic, a fact that has drawn attention to their meagre pay. Their wages could be pegged to similar roles in the health service, which would help reduce extremely high levels of turnover, but require additional funding unless the government wanted to bankrupt providers. Labour and some senior Tories support the introduction of free personal care, which covers things like help with bathing and dressing, and would cost another £5bn.

The problem with social care is not a lack of options. The King’s Fund, a think-tank, counts a dozen government papers on reform in the past two decades. The difficulty is summoning the political will to implement any of them, and raising the cash to do so, with opposition parties reliably objecting to plans for change. After the general election last year, Mr Johnson had an 87-seat majority and had declared his intention to fix social care once and for all. He was edging towards a Dilnot-style cap.

The pandemic has shone a light on the problems of social care. But it has also wrecked the public finances. On October 21st the Treasury said that a planned three-year spending review had been ditched in favour of a one-year one, owing to the unusual circumstances. With finances tight and the government reluctant to make long-term decisions, an announcement on social-care reform is likely to be delayed. Mr Hunt, who was health secretary from 2012 to 2018, does not think the pandemic is a good excuse, however. As he puts it: “We were even more bankrupt in 1945 when we decided to sort out the NHS.”

This article appeared in the Britain section of the print edition under the headline “Big old problem”

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Two Victorian schools closed as COVID cases spread to social housing block, Alerts for Bathurst 1000 visitors after virus found in raw sewage, Coronavirus cases surge across US, Australia death toll at 905


“This timeframe allows for the department to ensure the community is aware of the situation and for residents to get tested and get their results back before determining what the next steps are,” Victoria’s commander of testing and community engagement, Jeroen Weimar, said.

“We’re asking all these residents to come forward for asymptomatic testing at the dedicated testing station on site.”

The East Preston Islamic College has been closed for deep cleaning after it was revealed a student who was supposed to be self-isolating as they were a close contact of a positive case had attended school due to a misunderstanding.

“The college has taken positive steps to manage this situation and is working closely with us. It has been closed for deep cleaning,” Mr Weimar said.

“We need everyone working together to tackle this virus, and that’s exactly what the school community is doing. Staff and students who are close contacts – and their households – have been identified and are quarantining for 14 days.

“Extensive contact tracing is underway and we expect that as part of this work, additional cases will be detected.”

The Dallas Brooks Primary School has also been closed for deep cleaning.

A text message was sent to residents in the northern suburbs, urging them to get tested if they experienced any symptoms.

Pop-up testing sites and a community outreach program will be launched today.

Banyule Community Health and Himilo Community Connect will doorknock the area on Thursday to alert residents to the outbreak and provide information about testing and supports like financial assistance for missing work.

“We’re asking everyone who lives in this area or who has loved ones linked to these suburbs to please get tested if they have symptoms and to share this information within their families and broader community,” Mr Weimar said.



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Is social media fuelling risky cosmetic surgery and body dysmorphia? – Channel 4 News


It might just start with a filter, adding fake lashes to your selfie, or smoothing out the frown lines in some rosy, flattering light. But the life of a would-be influencer is not all that its airbrushed perfection would appear. As more and more young people turn to social media as a way of making money in an uncertain world, health experts have warned of a rise in body dysmorphia and cosmetic surgery, including some highly risky operations. And we should warn you: there are some highly graphic images in this report.



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Your views: on Le Cornu site, social housing, not just footy, Crows and Fumbles


Today, readers comment on the generational wait for action at a prominent site, seriously tackling homelessness, sports coverage, a Crows move and Port commiserations.

Commenting on the story: After 30 years, a longer wait to see plans for vacant Le Cornu site

This is why SA is ridiculed and continually overlooked in terms of developments by our more astute and competitive neighbours. 

Who spends over $1m on a block empty for 30 years with nothing to show for it? The Adelaide City Council. – Maria Russo

Ms Verschoor was present as a supportive councillor when former Lord Mayor Martin Haese announced the city council’s apparently brilliant decision in January 2018 to spend $24 million on buying the former Le Cornu site.

She, like her colleagues, had read the confidential 2017 ‘Risk and treatment plan’ about the proposal to buy the site (only released quietly on the council website on 27 April 2018, but not widely read at the time).

Thirty-three months after the purchase, despite a global search, only one developer is at the council table, but only present under a non-binding agreement.

Clearly, council paid too much (despite independent valuations at the time); the “opportunity cost” was too high, and the timing of the “investment” badly wrong. The developer now knows he has got the council over a barrel. What a mess.

On the 2017 plan’s observed risk that the “opportunity cost of purchasing land has a flow-on effect to other strategic projects – affects the Long Term Financial Plan and long-term borrowing costs”, its 2017 consequence rating was described as “catastrophic”, its likelihood rating “almost certain” and overall risk rating “extreme”.

To mitigate this, the advice was: “Confirm an exit strategy around two year on sale of property, which reduces impact after the first two years.”

The Lord Mayor needs to front up and spell out the exit strategy. A full explanation to the city’s 26,276 ratepayers is now well overdue.

Repeatedly extending the “announcement” date, and making administrators do the explaining, is not an exit strategy: it is an avoidance strategy. – John Bridgland

Commenting on the story: It’s simple: lack of low-cost housing is root cause of homelessness

If the State Government really cared about providing social housing for all, they would begin by selling off the outdated three bedroom houses and use that money to construct more appropriate housing solutions for their clients. As most people seeking social housing are single, a two bedroom apartment would be ideal.

The Government already has access to large allotments of land throughout Adelaide. In addition, constructing apartment blocks with gardens and communal areas would also assist with social isolation and homelessness.

As well, the selling of the existing three bedroom Housing Trust homes would provide cheaper homes for young individuals and couples to purchase, which is a win-win situation. – Shona Clippel-Cooper

Commenting on the story: Not JUST the footy scores

Loving the ‘Not JUST the Footy scores’ sports coverage. – Leah Cassidy, Sport SA

Commenting on the story: Crows should join SANFL at Thebarton: footy league boss

Great move. Thebarton oval is a good oval in a top location. Local and a good investment. – Peter Smith

Commenting on the story: Touch Of The Fumbles: Consolation

Thanks so much for your touching words of consolation on Port’s elimination from the finals.

I would also like to pass on words of consolation to you for the Crows’ first wooden spoon, which regardless of the shortened by COVID season, the AFL has duly noted in its record books now and forever, amen. – Angelo Mazzei

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Study of patterns of social contacts early on in COVID-19 pandemic


The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) caused by the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) has compelled people worldwide to quarantine. To mitigate the transmission of SARS-CoV-2, countries and workplaces have been under varying stages of lockdown since the detection of the infection in December 2019 in Wuhan, China.

In mid-April 2020, it was observed that 62% of employed adults were working remotely in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. This scenario is continuing, and there is no standardized multi-site social contact study conducted in workplace settings. A study of this order helps plan strategies to address the pandemic situation – before onset as well as during.

16% of influenza transmission is estimated to occur in the workplace setting due to social interactions and respiratory infection transmissions. Likewise, the conditions at the workplace determine the SARS-CoV-2 transmission percentage.

Any significant impact of remote work on COVID-19 needs to be evaluated; this can be achieved by assessing changes in social contact patterns. In this context, Moses C. Kiti et al. published a recent medRxiv* preprint paper studying social contact patterns. In this study, they characterized the mixing across workplace environments, including on-site or when teleworking.

The median number of contacts per person per day was found to be two contacts per respondent. The authors stratified this information by day of data collection, age, sex, race, and ethnicity. This information can be broadly employed in pandemic preparedness policy for similar settings.

This study involved two multinational consulting companies ((N1=275, N2=3000) and one university administrative department ((N3=560), located in Atlanta, Georgia, USA, from April to June 2020, when the shelter-in-place orders were in effect. The employees opted into the study by accepting an email invitation. Remote working was defined as any working location (home or public space) outside their designated workplace. Employees approached were 3,835, out of which 357 (9.3%) responded on the first day of contact, and 304 completed both days of contact. The results are summarized from those respondents who completed the dairy on both days.

This study was a cross-sectional non-probability survey that used standardized social contact diaries into which the respondents were to fill in. The respondents recorded their physical and non-physical contacts over two days, documented at the end of each day.

Panel (A) shows the distribution of contacts by attributes: duration (in minutes (mins) or hours (hr)). Types of contact were conversation with physical touch (Conv & Phys), physical only (Phys), or non-physical/conversation only (Conv only). A contact was repeated if observed on both days or unique if observed on only one day. Panel (B) shows the age-stratified average number of contacts over two study days. The gray area on the x-axis indicates that all respondents were over the age of 19, however they were able to report contacts under the age of 19 years. Data shown in the graphs are for 1,548 contacts recorded by 304 participants over 608 diary-days

A median of 2 contacts per respondent on both day one and two were observed.

Most of the contacts (55%) involved conversation only – occurred at home (64%) and cumulatively lasted more than 4 hours (38%). Most contacts were repeated and within the same age groups. Participants aged 30-59 years, however, reported inter-generational mixing with children.

This study compares to similar reports from the UK and China, effective during the shelter-in-place orders in the pandemic. Pre-pandemic data is unavailable for direct comparison. While the median contact number is 2, many of the contacts were repeated, which may limit the spread of infection.

Mathematical models are used to forecast and simulate the effects of interventions implemented during pandemics. These models are highly sensitive to assumptions about how people acquire infection and how they transmit it to others.

The data on the social contact patterns – the frequency and nature of contacts that individuals make daily – determine these assumptions. The authors discuss a few selection and information biases that may be present in this study.

The authors propose similar studies to assess the changes in contact patterns to parameterize mathematical models describing disease transmission and post-lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Such studies help reduce the transmission risks, investigate prevention methods, and mitigate infection in the workplace.

*Important Notice

medRxiv publishes preliminary scientific reports that are not peer-reviewed and, therefore, should not be regarded as conclusive, guide clinical practice/health-related behavior, or treated as established information.

Journal reference:

  • Social contact patterns among employees in 3 U.S. companies during early phases of the COVID-19 pandemic, April to June 2020. Moses Chapa Kiti, Obianuju G Aguolu, Carol Liu, Ana Mesa Restrepo, Rachel Regina, Kathryn Willebrand, Chandra Couzens, Tilman Bartelsmeyer, Kristin Nicole Bratton, Samuel M Jenness, Steven Riley, Alessia Melegaro, Faruque Ahmed, Fauzia Malik, Ben Lopman, Saad B Omer medRxiv 2020.10.14.20212423; doi: https://doi.org/10.1101/2020.10.14.20212423, https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2020.10.14.20212423v1  



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Bagehot – Britain’s political and social fabric is under unusual strain | Britain


THE BRITISH like to think that they have a genius for defusing conflicts. France’s road to democracy lay through the Revolution and the Terror; Britain’s through the Great Reform Act. Germany and Italy had Hitler and Mussolini. Britain had Oswald Mosley, who signed his political death warrant as soon as he donned a black shirt and took to walking oddly. In China and Russia Communism resulted in the loss of millions of lives. In Britain it caused a few misguided souls to waste their lives flogging copies of the Morning Star.

Yet this illusion is born of a short-sighted view of history and geography. On the island of Ireland British citizens have only just stopped murdering each other for sectarian reasons. Peace is a recent phenomenon on the British mainland, too. In the 17th century the Civil War claimed the lives of a higher proportion of men than did the first world war. The 18th century saw an epidemic of riots and public drunkenness. Boyd Hilton’s volume of the Oxford History of England covering the years from 1783 to 1846 is entitled “A Mad, Bad and Dangerous People?”.

Britain has enjoyed a stable couple of centuries not because the British people are a naturally pacific lot but because of a uniquely successful political settlement that prioritised compromise over conflict and assimilation over exclusion. The traditional ruling class had a genius for co-opting new social forces. Thomas Macaulay, the great historian of Britain’s peaceable settlement, proclaimed that the country’s aristocracy was the most democratic and its democracy the most aristocratic in the world. Its institutions have a genius for co-opting and civilising political divisions. The weekly Punch and Judy show that is prime minister’s question time may be tedious, but it beats fighting in the streets.

Yet this settlement is beginning to fray. One of the stablest countries in Europe has become one of the most unpredictable. The box of surprises that produced Brexit may well lead to Scottish independence before the decade is out. France used to be the nation of street protests, but during the height of the Brexit frenzy Parliament Square was permanently occupied and the forces of Remain put 600,000 people on the streets. The British now hate their political elites with continental fervour. A ComRes poll in 2018 revealed that 81% of the respondents, and 91% of Leave voters, felt most politicians didn’t take into account the view of ordinary people. The country’s disparate parts are also growing sick of each other, as the Scottish independence movement produces an aggressive English counter-reaction.

There is no shortage of explanations for these growing tensions. Left-wingers blame de-industrialisation for creating a dangerously unbalanced country one corner of which is much richer than the rest. Traditional conservatives blame popular capitalism: the masses want instant gratification and the elites can’t be bothered to uphold cultural standards. (George Walden’s recently republished “New Elites: A Career in the Masses” expounds this case brilliantly.) But two developments have contributed most.

The first is the rise of identity politics. “Brexitland”, a new book by Maria Sobolewska and Robert Ford, argues that British politics, which used to be organised around class, has since the 1960s reordered itself around identity. “Identity liberals” are university graduates who pride themselves on their “open-minded” attitudes to immigration and ethnic minorities. “Identity conservatives” are older voters (who grew up when only 3% of people went to university) and people who left school with few qualifications; their economic interests do not always coincide, but they share a pride in Britain’s traditional culture, they bristle at attempts to marginalise it and they set the tone of Boris Johnson’s Conservative Party.

Identity politics, which seeks to drive a wedge between “us” and “them”, is far more explosive than class politics: you can compromise over the division of the economic pie but not over the core of your being. Brexit demonstrated this painfully. Enlightened liberals, even less tolerant than cultural conservatives, behaved like middle-class passengers forced to sit next to a working-class hen party on an overcrowded Ryanair flight. And neither side could resist the temptation to taunt the other. David Lammy, a Labour MP, likened the Eurosceptic European Reform Group to the “Nazis” before correcting himself and saying that the comparison was not strong enough. Plenty of issues, from Scottish independence to historical monuments, are susceptible to that sort of treatment.

The second disruptive force, closely related to the first, is the rise of the meritocracy. In his prophetic book of that name Michael Young argued that meritocrats believe that they owe their positions to nothing but their own merit, while the unsuccessful either lash out against the system or turn in on themselves in despair. The six-fold expansion of the universities has deepened the divide. Britain’s education system is now a giant sieve that selects the university-bound half of the population, depositing them in big cities, and lets the rest fall where they may, feeling unrepresented in Parliament or the media. White school-leavers are a particularly marginalised and volatile group, whose ranks are swelled by a new problem that Young didn’t anticipate. Many of those who get a university education feel cheated by it, for rather than offering admission to the cognitive elite, it may lead only to a pile of debt and a future labouring in the “precariat”. History suggests that the overeducated and underemployed are political tinder, as both the Bolsheviks and the Nazis demonstrated.

This might sound overexcited: the British system survived the 1930s not only intact but enhanced. The Conservative Party has done a good job of absorbing the raw energies of populism. The Labour Party is moving back to the centre after Jeremy Corbyn’s insurgency. But Brexit and the pandemic are further discrediting the political class while shrinking the economy. The numbers of “mad, bad and dangerous” people are growing. The country’s rulers need to think more seriously about how to civilise them.

This article appeared in the Britain section of the print edition under the headline “Mad, bad and dangerous”

Reuse this contentThe Trust Project



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