The hope that those crucial days might be brought forward has now all but evaporated.
Andrews, who has placed himself at the centre of Victorian’s entire COVID-19 saga – and thus, has made himself a target for disaffection – knows his fortunes are stretched thin.
His media statement on Sunday made it clear: “We are so close – so close – to beating this thing. I’m asking each of you: keep going. Dig deep. Stay strong.”
It was a pleading, following a weekend of careful telegraphing that bad news was likely.
But the virus is withholding the mercy of time to Andrews, causing a growing number of Victorians, who have already displayed astonishing forbearance through the long winter and into the spring, to grow more than agitated.
But that poll reflected the feelings of Victorians at a time when expectation was high that Premier Andrews would announce a significant easing of restrictions on Sunday.
He signalled only a week ago, on Sunday, October 18, that good news could be brought forward if the rate of new infections continued falling.
The numbers played along for most of the week. Restaurateurs stocked up and called in staff.
That was then.
Now, as Premier Andrews declares, everything relies on the result of tests sitting in laboratories and yet to be taken. He needed to know there was “no bushfire burning out there”.
Just a few more days, he asked.
Sunday is traditionally a day for the faithful.
Andrews can only pray now that there are enough of his faithful still believing in his cautious approach to grant him those few more days, and that the virus doesn’t have an altogether different timetable.
Sign up to our Coronavirus Update newsletter
Get our Coronavirus Update newsletter for the day’s crucial developments at a glance, the numbers you need to know and what our readers are saying. Sign up to The Sydney Morning Herald’s newsletter here and The Age’shere.
Tony Wright is the associate editor and special writer for The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald.
Hispanics have far outstripped growth among the white population over the past decade, while the number of African and Asian Americans in the state is also increasing.
In 2018, Texas gained almost nine Hispanic residents for every white citizen. By 2022, the minority is expected to become the state’s largest population group.
As this happens, the Republicans’ 40-year grip on the state is loosening, and its red hue fading.
“I am hopeful. I’ll do my part to try and flip it blue,” Ms Ratcliffe said.
But she thinks it’s going to take “another election to flip it hard blue”.
“I think we’re still going to end up in-between, I guess [a] purplish colour for a while,” she said.
“It’s a generational flip, it’s not going to happen overnight. You cannot change people overnight.”
Despite Ms Ratcliffe’s reservations, some within the Democratic orbit believe the party is within striking distance of the red bastion for the first time since 1976.
Texas carries the nation’s second largest number of electoral college seats, second only to California.
Just last month Hillary Clinton labelled it as the “biggest battleground state in our country” during a fundraiser in Texas, while Beto O’Rouke — the sophomore from El Paso who, in 2018, came closer to winning a state-wide office than any Texas Democrat in a generation — has called it a “swing state”.
Mr O’Rourke came within 3 per cent of unseating incumbent Ted Cruz in the 2018 mid-term elections.
It was a voting litmus test for how the state is changing, and raised profound questions over its status as a Republican stronghold.
An estimated 2.1 million voters have joined the rolls since 2016, a 15 per cent jump, and equivalent to the total number of voters in all of Connecticut.
Most are from ethnic minorities and live within the major Democrat-led cities of Houston, Dallas, Fort Worth and Austin.
The share of eligible white voters has decreased by 12 per cent over the past 20 years. Over that same time, the number of Hispanic, black and Asian voters has increased a combined 11 per cent.
Mr Trump is also losing support he won four years ago.
Monica Rey Haft is among the crucial bloc of suburban women who helped propel Mr Trump to the White House in 2016.
The daughter of Hispanic immigrants, the mother of three from Dallas, cast her ballot for Mr Trump because her son was deploying to Afghanistan. She believed Mr Trump was supportive of the military.
And as a life-long Republican voter, Ms Rey Haft said she didn’t like Mrs Clinton.
But her views have changed since Mr Trump took power.
“He disgusts me, his views disgust me, everything he stands for is appalling to me.
“I now believe he has zero commitment to my son, or to the troops, or to anyone fighting over there.”
In November, Ms Rey Haft will be voting Democrat for the first time.
“I don’t feel safer with him as President,” she said.
“He is incapable of messaging in a way that comforts and calms the American people — he hasn’t done it during COVID, he hasn’t done it during the riots, he hasn’t done it during the recession.”
It’s clear Mr Trump has been campaigning hard to win over suburban women this year, while maintaining those he secured in 2016, by running a campaign warning of lawless streets under Mr Biden and a Democrat plan to “abolish the suburbs”.